EVEN
as hundreds of millions go hungry, food has a low price tag attached
to it in the global market. This is because we have externalised many
of the costs of producing and consuming it. We let someone else -
nature, other people, future generations, taxpayers - foot the bill
for climate change, for loss of biodiversity, for eutrophication,
for nitrates and pesticides in our groundwater or even for losing
the water or the soil altogether. It has become painfully clear that
we can no longer afford cheap food.
An
unsustainable system
Cheap
food allows a growing proportion of the global population to eat meat,
fresh vegetables and fruits all year round, something most people
could only dream of a few generations back - and something many people
in the world can still only dream of. People live longer, are taller
and are generally healthier than in the agrarian societies of the
18th and 19th centuries. But the current food system has also produced
obesity, allergies and other diseases, and destroyed the environment
and devastated farming communities.
Our
whole food system contributes at least a third of manmade total greenhouse
gas emissions. The extraction of water for irrigation exceeds the
regeneration of water sources in many parts of the world. Pesticides
cause a major loss of biodiversity and hundreds of thousands of direct
deaths among farmers and farm workers. Nobody really knows how they
affect other aspects of our health. The European Nitrogen Assessment
concluded that farmers using nitrogen fertilisers create costs for
society at large that are on par with the economic benefits for them.1
European chickens or Chinese pigs are, to a very large extent, fed
soy protein from Latin America, much of it from the Cerrado, the Amazon
or the Pampa, landscapes which are razed and raped by agribusiness.
The extinction of species and the greenhouse gas emissions caused
by this are also not included in the price of chicken breast or pulled
pork.
That
almost a billion people don't have enough to eat, while even more
eat too much and huge quantities of food are simply wasted, also shows
that the food and farming system is socially unsustainable. For most
farmers in the world, farming is not economically viable. Global competition
causes the abandonment of farms even in large parts of Europe where
almost a hundred million hectares of farmland has been abandoned in
the last 50 years.2 Rich countries such as Sweden which could be almost
self-sufficient in food import increasing quantities of foods, but
even more troubling is that many of the least developed countries
have become net importers of food. Sub-Saharan Africa went from a
14% surplus of calories to a 13% deficit in the last 50 years.3
Farming
has become one of the most capital-intensive businesses. The very
successful Danish farms have an average debt of $1.6 million per farm.4
In the United States the total farm assets in 2014 amounted to $3
trillion,5 corresponding to $1.2 million per full-time job. Low labour
cost is no longer a comparative advantage in crops where production
is easily mechanised, such as the main staples. On the contrary, low
prices for staple crops make it impossible for small farms to mechanise
production, which is why more than 80% of the farmers in sub-Saharan
Africa and around half of the farmers in Asia and Latin America still
farm manually. Such farmers would have to devote all their monetary
income over a whole lifetime to upgrade to ox-ploughing. However,
they are still, mostly, (just) above the threshold of survival, which
means that they will continue to farm as long as there are no more
promising alternatives beyond agriculture.6
By
and large farmers are stuck on a treadmill. They are forced by competition
to increase productivity, and the increased productivity leads to
lower prices. Vanguard farms will constantly develop and improve and
mostly increase in size, at the expense of their less successful counterparts.
Larger farms are not normally more productive per area unit, but they
do have lower costs of production. They will establish a new level
of costs and prices, each time racking up the notch for the minimum
efficiency needed to stay in business. For farmers who cannot participate
in this stiff competition, there is no option except to get out. The
fact that 'people will always need food' is small comfort for the
farmer who cannot compete.
Chickens
and commodification
A
closer look at the major agricultural commodities helps us understand
why things are as they are. Chicken consumption increased tenfold
from 1961 to 2009 globally. The past practice of chicken rearing saw
small numbers of chickens raised on waste products or seeking their
own feed in the farmer's yard, the thicket or the manure heap - a
very popular place for the animals. Chicken meat was relatively scarce
and thus expensive in many cultures. Today chicken from broilers in
the shape of nuggets, wings or strips are munched 24/7. There is hardly
any other food that has increased its market share at such speed in
such a short period. Why is that?
A
trend analyst would explain that consumer choice is driving this,
that consumers prefer white meat to red for health reasons, that chicken
is low in fat, that chicken is an international food or that chicken
is better for the climate than eating beef. Well, I'm no trend analyst
and venture that the main explanation is that chicken has become much
cheaper compared to other foodstuffs.
But
we can go one step further and ask why chicken has become so much
cheaper. In my book Global Eating Disorder, I examine why our food
and farming system has developed the way it has and explore the underlying
causes. There are three megatrends that have shaped our food system
over the last couple of centuries: 1) the commercialisation of the
entire food system; 2) the use of energy and applied technology (e.g.,
in the form of machinery or nitrogen fertilisers) to replace animate
labour and processes; and 3) demographic changes, such as population
growth and urbanisation, and the related lifestyle changes.7
These
three megatrends are mutually reinforcing. For example, the application
of energy and mechanisation in farming, in particular the use of fossil
fuels, has increased productivity per agriculture worker by between
50-200 times, which meant that the share of population engaged in
farming dropped tremendously. Without fossil fuels, globalisation
and massive urbanisation could not have happened. And without urbanisation,
there would be little development of markets for agricultural products.
Similarly, without commercialisation of farming, there would be little
incentive to mechanise and use chemical fertilisers, as both presuppose
market-driven farming.
With
these mega-drivers as a background, we can discern some factors which
have played a major role in the transformation of the luxury that
was Sunday chicken into a very cheap food. Earlier, most farms with
animals also produced their own feed. With the large-scale introduction
of chemical fertilisers after World War II and improvements in transportation
technologies, farms no longer had to integrate animals and crops.
With increasing mechanisation, crop farmers could produce much cheaper
grain, and later on also soybeans - increasingly grown in monocultures.
The grains were sold to specialised livestock farmers, including chicken
producers.
Chickens,
just like humans, depend on sunlight to produce vitamin D. Therefore
chickens would feed on worms and other insects in the yard and would
be fed maize when they went back into the chicken house. Once farmers
realised they could simply add vitamin D and other vitamins and medications
to the chicken feed, they no longer had to let the chickens outdoors.
Meanwhile, technology for automatic feeding had been invented. Now,
the industrialisation of both broilers and laying hens could proceed
apace. Mechanisation of the whole slaughtering process helped to reduce
prices and increase volumes. In just over 50 years, the number of
chickens produced in the United States increased 14-fold, while the
number of farms having chickens dropped from 1.6 million to just 27,000.8
Half of all American broilers now come from farms producing more than
700,000 chicks per year.9 Big food industries came in and contracted
producers for their brands and provided them with technologies and
markets. At the beginning of this century three-quarters of global
chicken production were in the hands of agribusiness companies.10
The
development of broiler production was paralleled by developments in
the processing, marketing and consumer side. The birds themselves
are torn into pieces and reconfigured in a multitude of products such
as nuggets and strips. In 1930 the then 40-year-old KFC founder Harland
Sanders (who never was a real Colonel) was operating a service station
in Corbin, Kentucky, and it was there that he began cooking for hungry
travellers who stopped in for gas. He called it 'Sunday Dinner, Seven
Days a Week'. Today, KFC, together with Pizza Hut and Taco Bell, is
part of Yum! Brands, Inc., the world's leading restaurant company
with over 40,000 restaurants and 1.5 million people employed in more
than 125 countries and territories.11
Chicken
breeding is extremely concentrated as a result of high research expenditure
and the capital-intensive nature of the chicken business. By the late
2000s only three sizeable breeding groups remained for broilers: Cobb-Vantress,
Aviagen and Groupe Grimaud.12 Two breeders control 94% of the supply
of laying hens.13 All these developments have had profound impact
on the main character of the story, Gallus gallus. In just half a
century, the breeders created two different specialist chickens, each
one incredibly efficient for its specific purpose. A typical laying
hen of today needs 1.99 kg of feed to produce 1 kg of eggs, while
a broiler hen will need 5.22 kg of feed for the same quantity. But
the broiler chicken is far superior in converting feed to meat. To
produce 1 kg of live weight the broiler needs only 1.7 kg of feed,
while the chicken of a laying hen needs 3.8 kg.14 Unfortunately, both
the broiler and the laying hen are less efficient than their common
ancestor in being a chicken.
Today
300 million male chicks of egg-laying hens are killed in the European
Union each year as soon as they hatch, because it is uneconomical
to raise them for meat15 since meat from chickens especially bred
for meat production is cheaper. Many of them, and their American siblings,
are consigned to 'Instantaneous Mechanical Destruction', which is
a technical way of saying they are ground up alive.16 Hens that no
longer lay eggs also pose a disposal problem and are burnt or thrown
into wood-chipping machines, sometimes alive.17
The
chicken industry provided a blueprint for the industrialisation of
livestock. The capital-intensive model cuts out small farmers and
pastoralists and is built on the use of bought-in inputs: feeds, medicines,
technologies and breeding stock as well as external knowledge. The
production model bears a close resemblance to assembly industries,
and producers all over the world use the same breeds, feed and technology.
The notion of landscape, place or culture in our foods has totally
lost any meaning under these conditions. What is particularly disturbing
with the commercialisation of animal production is that it doesn't
take into account that animals are living, sentient beings. Through
the commodification of animals, their welfare and their ability to
exercise their natural behaviours have become externalities - side
factors of production - just as the landscape has in plant production.
The
myth of choice
We
might believe that we chose to eat a certain food, that it is the
consumer who is the conductor of the whole food system, but that is
an erroneous starting point for a conversation about which foods we
eat and which we should eat. Our palates have been shaped over centuries
to like some things and dislike others. Differences in local foods
and food preferences are proof not of how different from each other
we are, but of how well we adapt to what is available. Swedes liked
herring and cheese, Bantu people liked cassava and goat stew, and
people in South East Asia preferred rice. Fermentation, drying, freezing
and curing have all played different roles in different countries.
If you lived in the humid tropics, your culture would never develop
cured ham, as the conditions for making the ham do not exist in such
a climate. The availability of fats and fuels determined your favourite
style of frying or roasting or if you mostly ate food boiled in water.
Our food preferences were thus by and large dictated by the local
ecological context we lived in.
With
fossil fuel and capitalism, this all changed. Today, our food choices
are by and large determined by the economy instead of ecology. In
most parts of the industrial and urbanised world, people hardly eat
anything that comes from close by. Consumption has no direct link
to local agriculture, which is organised in the same way as modern
assembly lines, with parts being delivered from all over the globe
to be assembled as a Gorby's pizza, a McDonald's hamburger or a Ben
and Jerry's ice cream. Indonesians consumed a stunning 14 billion
packages of instant wheat noodles in 2012.18 What is strange about
that? Indonesia produces no wheat at all - what has become a national
dish is based on a raw material that is completely imported. The history
of wheat in Indonesia began in 1969 when the United States extended
food aid in the form of wheat flour and wheat to Indonesia. Indonesia's
wheat imports outweigh the total agriculture development budget in
this nation of 250 million people.19
Does
this mean that people have almost unlimited choice from the global
supermarket? Not quite. To be sure, when one stands in front of a
supermarket shelf or sits at a table reading a restaurant menu, there
are many choices. But before we face all those choices, a number of
people have already made the selection for us to choose from. Governments
and agribusiness are choice architects and they shape what consumers
can and cannot buy.
The
modern food system is simultaneously moving towards uniformity and
diversity. Globalisation gives many people access to many more kinds
of foods than before, but at the same time the differences between
regional cuisines are diminishing. We are easily duped by the bright
colours of marketing messages and packaging. A supermarket may carry
some 50,000 food items, but a very large part of them are variations
made out of the 'Big Five' - wheat, maize, palm oil, sugar and soybeans
- spiced, coloured, preserved and texturised with additives.
Globally
our farming system is still based on a few grains, root crops and
oil crops supplemented with animals. Most meat is also produced from
the same staples. Almost no new plants or animals have been domesticated
in the last centuries, so in that regard our food system is still
determined by the choices of generations of ancient farmers. The balance
between the staples has changed and instead of being bound to one
or two staples, we can now eat rice, pasta, potatoes, cornflakes,
meat, milk, cheese etc.
Armies
provided a development field for logistics, food processing and, not
least, mass catering, which also served the masses in the rapidly
growing cities. World War II reshaped the food preferences of American
citizens, both those who were drafted into the armed forces and civilians
at home. This transformation of diet was influenced by the food industry
and government alike. It also helped American food industries to conquer
new markets. The President of Coca-Cola, Robert Woodruff, ordered
that every man in uniform should be able to get a bottle of the beverage
for 5 cents wherever he was and whatever it cost the company. In 1943,
General Dwight D Eisenhower sent an urgent cablegram to Coca-Cola
requesting shipment of materials for 10 bottling plants. 'During the
war, many people enjoyed their first taste of the beverage, and when
peace finally came, the foundations were laid for Coca-Cola to do
business overseas,' is how the Coca-Cola Company describes the effect
on its website.20
In
the United States, four companies control 80% of the meat market,
three companies control 80% of maize exports and 65% of soy exports,
and four companies control 60% of the domestic grain market. The top
10 food and beverage firms (the three largest are Nestl‚, Pepsico
and Kraft) control an estimated 28% of the global market. The top
five breweries have around 50% of the market while the top 10 wine
marketers have around 16% of the market.21 And if you cannot beat
your competition, you can just buy them out. Increasingly, huge multinationals
have bought up pioneer organic companies or other premium brands.
Many companies integrate 'upstream' production (i.e., farmers and
other suppliers) and 'downstream' sales (outlets, agents), which allows
them to extend their control of the chain. Most of the transnational
companies in the food sector are from the United States or Western
Europe, but times are changing. Brazil-based JBS SA is now bigger
than Unilever, Cargill and Danone, and slaughters 85,000 heads of
cattle, 70,000 pigs and 12 million birds. Each day. In September 2013,
China's Shuanghui International Holdings Ltd. bought US-based Smithfield,
the world's biggest pork producer.22
The
production and supply of inputs to farms is also highly concentrated.
The global commercial seed market in 2009 was worth $27 billion, with
the top 10 companies having three-quarters of the market. Three of
them controlled more than half of the market and one, Monsanto, now
controls more than one-quarter of the commercial seed market. The
concentration in the agrochemical market is even higher, with the
top 10 having 90% of the global market.23 Five of the top six agrochemical
companies are also on the list of the world's biggest seed companies.
Monsanto is the world's largest seed company and fourth-largest pesticide
company. Monsanto's seeds that are genetically modified to work together
with the company's flagship herbicide, Roundup, constitute a clear
example of a successful strategy.
The
most spectacular development in the food chain in recent decades,
however, is not the might of Coca-Cola or Nestl‚, but the increased
influence of retailers. In 2008, Walmart recorded sales of $436 billion
from 7,657 stores (this corresponded to the GDP of Sweden), Carrefour
$161 billion, Metro Group $116 billion and Tesco $109 billion. In
1992, the top five supermarket chains in the United States had a market
share of less than 20%; by 1999, that share had increased to one-third
and in 2012 the four largest retailers sold more than half of the
groceries. In Australia, the two giants Coles and Woolworths now control
about 80% of grocery sales, and in Sweden, ICA alone has half the
retail market.24
The
power of the supermarkets is also strengthened by the spread of retailer-owned
brands and private labels. The retail share of private labels among
food products has reached almost 60% in Switzerland and between 20%
and 40% in most other Western European countries.25 The retailers
try to uphold the idea that we have choices by introducing many different
private brands. The biggest retailer in Britain, Tesco, has many own
brands: Value, Standard, Finest, Discount, Light Choices, Organic,
Free From, Whole Foods and finally Disney Kids, which was introduced
in 2007 'to help parents by providing a range of nutritionally balanced
food that children will engage with and enjoy'. This range includes
a Mickey Mouse-shaped pizza.26
Cooking
and eating were for a long time social and cultural activities done
within the household or in the community, with the work being done
without pay and for no costs. Gradually, cooking and eating have become
commercialised and acquired a totally different meaning and role in
society. In the supermarkets we find a large supply of fully prepared
meals, including ready meals of all types and takeaway food for consumption
at home. In any week, 45% of Europeans and Americans consume such
meals.27 The habit is also spreading rapidly to emerging economies
where the consumption of convenience foods is increasing, partly due
to increasing urbanisation: retail sales of ready meals in India and China grew by 26.9% and 11.8% respectively from 2003 to 2008.28
We
have seen how food processing and retail follow an industrial logic.
The same is true of the production of convenience foods. The web of
suppliers to these operations is soÿcomplex that it proved very difficult
to pin down the point at which horsemeat became beef in the European
horsemeat scandal in early 2013. The factory that supplied Tesco with
its 'horseburgers' was using 'multiple ingredients from some 40 suppliers
in production batches, and the mixture could vary every half hour',
according to the Irish department of agriculture.29
The
tragedy of the market
Earlier,
trade in foods was very limited and determined by needs or ecological
adaptation. For example, farmers in plains traded grain for meat or
yoghurt from pastoralists in mountains or deserts. In most cultures
there existed 'markets' for exchange, but there were few cases where
farmers oriented their production fully to sales in the market, and
when they did so the market was mostly the town close by.
With
the total integration of farms in national and global markets, the
market, initially just a tool for distributing surpluses, has become
the conductor of the whole food system, from farm to fork, determining
how we farm, the whole social fabric and how, where and what we eat.
As
farmers become integrated into the market economy, they no longer
reproduce and regenerate their production system. The commercialisation
of farming also leads us to view land, water and nature as private
property and the life of the land, our symbionts, as commodities.
It is this process that is the real tragedy for food. It also makes
a large contribution to obesity because when food becomes a commodity
its main purpose is to be consumed.
The
challenge of feeding a growing population is formidable, but managing
the planet's ecosystem is an even bigger challenge. Considering that
farmed landscapes dominate more than half of the terrestrial area
of the Earth,30 it is clear that the way we farm has an enormous impact
on the planet's ecosystems; that human agricultural ecosystems must
be seen as planetary ecosystems. Yet, the food and farming system
is increasingly managed by signals from 'the market', which do not
include the signals from these ecosystems: of the species threatened
by extinction and the loss of biodiversity, of pollution and of greenhouse
gas emissions. The market signals also don't include the feelings
of the animals brutalised in our service. The system is simply not
geared towards stewardship of the planet and living beings but to
the maximisation of marketable output and profit.
The
straight rows of endless monocultures in Mato Grosso are reflected
in the aisles of the supermarket and the lanes of the highways full
of lorries bringing goods into them and cars transporting food to
people's homes. But the food system is a life support system and should
be based on the principles of living systems, not on the perceived
efficiency of the industrial model. Linear thinking and linear processes
are fundamentally at odds with the cycles of nature, and, ultimately,
nature still rules. The food system is not a smorgasbord where we
can pick out the bits we like and keep those we don't like. What
we eat, how we eat and how we farm are all interdependent. There is
no way to produce good foods and biologically diverse landscapes in
a containerised, standardised and monopolistic food system. We can't
combine animal welfare with the view of animals as commodities. And
we can't produce healthy foods with the use of chemicals.
It
is no longer very controversial to question the direction our food
system has taken. Today, expert bodies, such as the International
Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development,
clarify that 'business as usual is not an option'.31 We simply have
to find new ways, whether we want to or not. But we will only be able
to find new ways if we understand the factors that determine how we
farm, what we grow and what we eat. Most commentaries focus on the
technical aspects of food production and farming, such as use of genetically
modified organisms and chemical fertilisers, their benefits and drawbacks.
But these technical aspects of farming are only parts of the problem
or the solution. The food system is a social, ecological and economic
system and needs to be viewed as such.
Towards
a regenerative food system
Food
and farming remain, together with energy, labour and housing, one
of the most regulated parts of the economy, even before we consider
all the cultural norms surrounding them. This is a recognition that
the free market doesn't work. Or rather, that it does indeed work
according to the textbooks, but we don't like the result of its workings.
Access
to food should be an inalienable right. An equitable world will have
the potential to feed everybody. It will certainly ensure that the
food is distributed more fairly among the world's population. But
distribution by the market is the antithesis of equitable sharing.
We can still see in times of disaster, war or disturbance that societies
rapidly shun the market as the main mechanism for distribution and
public or community control over food are the preferred ways of ensuring
proper sharing.
Instead
of trying to squeeze more of the commons, such as land, water and
seeds, into the market, we should rebalance food towards public goods.
In this way ecosystem services and food production can be balanced
within the same framework. The rethinking of food as a right, of farming
as a management system of the planet and the food system as a commons
will lead us to develop new institutions that complement the roles
of the market and the state.
There
are ample opportunities to produce more foods with regenerative methods,
such as organic farming and agroecology. Regenerative methods need
nature and humans to be productive, but can't use the shortcuts introduced
by linear methods, externalisation of costs and massive external energy
use. For example, global plant production can be sustained on a high
level with a combination of biological nitrogen fixation by leguminous
plants in the fields, reduced losses, integration of animals and plants,
and recycling of waste and human sewage (which has to be source separated).
We can still feed as many persons as with chemical fertilisers, but
under current economic conditions the cost will be higher as we need
to use some of the resources to regenerate and reproduce the means
of production. With regenerative food systems we will also need a
higher share of the population engaged in food production. This in
turn affects how many people can be engaged in producing iPhones and
cars or serving us coffee. By and large, I think such a shift will
only be good for society, culture and nature.
We
need to build new relationships in the food system, new relationships
that can gradually take over most of the food system. Those relationships
should be based on food and farming as joint common activities. There
should not be 'producers' and 'consumers', but co-production. Initiatives
such as community-supported agriculture have the seeds for this. Consumption
as a separate category should wither and we would cook and eat in
harmony with production. There will most likely be markets in the
future, but not 'the market' that we know today, the globalised market
with unlimited competition.
Political
actions of many kinds are needed. Some should be oriented to limiting
the harm produced by the current system, such as bans on pesticides
and harmful practices. We also need to throw sand or gravel in the
machinery of unfettered global trade, as unlimited competition forces
farmers and food industries into externalising costs. This includes
opposition to privatisation of common resources, including fighting
intellectual property rights; we need to expand the commons again.
Other political actions should promote the development of alternatives.
This can range from reallocating research funds from industrial farming
models to regenerative farming, to revising tax codes to stimulate
the numbers of people engaged in farming and facilitating emerging
new economic relations.
Ultimately,
it is about us as human beings. Are we ready for the great leap into
an unknown future, based on new insights? Do we prefer the sterile
and cheap ready-to-eat meal wrapped in plastic from the supermarket
to the earthy smells and tastes of nature, combined with more sweat
and toil? In the long term I don't think we have much choice. An increasing
scarcity of key resources will make the choice for us. But the ride
will be easier if we halt the depletion of resources and of nature
and build a regenerative food system now, before we are faced with
the possibility of worrying whether we will get any food at all before
going to bed.
Endnotes
1
European Science Foundation. 2013. 'Nitrogen in Europe: Current
problems and future solutions', part of The European Nitrogen Assessment.
www.nine-esf.org.
2
FAOStat.
3
FAO. 2012. Statistical Yearbook 2012. FAO Statistics Division.
4
Statistics Denmark 2014.
5
Schnepf, R. 2014. US Farm Incomes. United States Congressional
Research Service.
6
Mazoyer, M. and L. Roudart. 2006. A History of World Agriculture:
From the Neolithic Age to the Current Crisis. Monthly Review Press.
7
Rundgren, G. 2014. Global Eating Disorder. Regeneration.
8
PEW Environment Group. 2011. 'Big Chicken'. PEW Environment Group.
9
USDA Economic Research Service. 2013. 'Farm Size and the Organization
of US Crop Farming'. Economic Research Report 152. United States Department
of Agriculture.
10
Ostendorff, F. 2013. 'Excessive industrialization of livestock production:
the need for a new agricultural paradigm'. Trade and Environment Review
2013. UNCTAD.
11
Yum! 2014. 'About Yum! Brands'. 10 May 2014. www.yum.com.
12
Elfick, D. 2013. 'A brief history of broiler selection: How chicken
became a global food phenomenon in 50 years'. cn.aviagen.com.
13
Heinrich Boll Foundation. 2014. Meat Atlas.
14
Leenstra, F. 2013. 'Raising cockerels as part of free range egg
production'. Low Input Breeds Technical Note 4.6.
15
Idel, A. 2013. 'Livestock production and food security in a context
of climate change and environmental and health challenges'. Trade
and Environment Review 2013. UNCTAD.
16
Mail Online. 2010. 'The disturbing conveyor belt of death where
male chicks are picked off and killed so you can have fresh eggs'.
4 November 2010. www.dailymail.co.uk.
17
Chong, J-R. 2003. 'Wood-chipped chickens fuel outrage'. Los Angeles
Times. 22 November 2003.
18
World Instant Noodles Association. 2014. 'Expanding Markets'. instantnoodles.org.
19
Jakarta Post. 2013. 'Indonesia caught in wheat trap'. 11 July 2013.
20
Coca-Cola. 2014. 'History of Coca-Cola: 1941-1959'. www.coca-cola.co.uk.
21
Inglis, D. and D. Gimlin (editors). 2009. The Globalization of Food.
Berg.
22
Heinrich Boll Foundation. 2014. Meat Atlas.
23
ETC. 2011. 'Who will control the Green Economy?' ETC Communique
No. 107.
24
Rundgren, G. 2014. Global Eating Disorder. Regeneration.
25
Regmi, A. and M. Gehlhar (editors). 2005. New Directions in Global
Food Markets. USDA Agriculture Information Bulletin Number 794.
26
Tesco. 2014. 'Our Brands'. realfood.tesco.com.
27
Government of Canada. 2010. 'Consumer Trend Report - Convenience'.
Market Analysis Report. June 2010.
28
IMAP. 2010. Food and Beverage Industry Global Report 2010.
29
Lawrence, F., P. Allen and P. Scruton. 2013. 'The complex food supply
chain that led to the horsemeat scandal'. The Guardian. 22 October
2013. www.theguardian.com.
30
Ellis, E.C. and N. Ramankutty. 2008. 'Putting people in the map:
Anthropogenic biomes of the world'. Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment
6(8): 439-447.
31
IAASTD. 2009. Agriculture at a Crossroads: Global Report. Washington,
DC: International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and
Technology for Development.
Published in Third World Resurgence No. 295, March 2015, pp 7-13
